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"Tell the chef, the beer is on me."
Maldivian blogger and activist Yameen Rasheed, 29, was stabbed to death in the country's capital Male in the early morning hours of April 23, 2017.
Through his blog The Daily Panic and Twitter account @Yaamyn, Rasheed had become known as an outspoken critic of the government and radical Islamism. Shocked by this death, Maldivians expressed their grief and concerns on social media, while some demanded an international probe.
Rasheed was found in the stairwell of his apartment at 3 a.m. with multiple stab wounds and died soon after he was taken to the hospital. He suffered 16 stab wounds to his body, including 14 on the chest, one on the neck and one on the head. He had received several death threats via text messages and social media for his views against the government and religious extremists, which he had reported to the police.
Besides his online writings, Rasheed was an activist. On May 1, 2015, he was arrested with dozens of other activists for being part of anti-government protests and was held in custody for 21 days.
Rasheed was working for the Maldives Stock Exchange as an IT professional. In honor of Rasheed, the Stock Exchange office was closed on April 23.
The spokesperson of President Abdulla Yameen tweeted that the government “will deliver justice”. The public are also urged to provide information in order to help solve the case.
— Ibrahim H. Shihab (@IntSpkMV) April 23, 2017
Former Maldivian President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom tweeted the sentiment of many netizens:
Deeply shocked by the killing of social media activist Yameen Rasheed. May Allah bless his soul! His murderers must be bought to justice.
— Maumoon Abdul Gayoom (@maumoonagayoom) April 23, 2017
Another former president, Mohamed Nasheed, called for an open investigation:
A brave voice, brutally silenced. Only an impartial & open investigation with international participation can provide justice for @yaamyn.
— Mohamed Nasheed (@MohamedNasheed) April 23, 2017
Rasheed's friends in civil society also mourned his death:
Yameen Rasheed was a brave HRD and eloquent blogger. The human rights community will not let his brutal murder be ignored. Rest in peace.
— Mv Democracy Network (@MDN_mv) April 23, 2017
— #NationFirst (@Simwarr) April 23, 2017
His friend, expat Maldivian Muju Nasim, wrote about the online video series featuring the work of Rasheed:
Anyone who would like to know more about Yameen Rasheed and the kind of human being that he was, you can watch the web video series (This week in Maldives) we were doing together.
We were only able to record a few episodes when we were forced to stop the series fearing for his safety as I have been based overseas for the last 5 years.
Maldives has a troubling history of extrajudicial killings targeting journalists, activists, and bloggers.
Rasheed was a close friend of Ahmed Rilwan Abdulla, another well-known Maldivian journalist, blogger and human rights advocate, who was abducted and disappeared in 2014 (see Global Voices report). Since 2014, Rasheed had been pushing hard to get justice for Rilwan, and was recently working with Rilwan’s family to file a case against the Maldives police related to the investigation into Rilwan's death.
Blogger Amira thought that Rasheed's murder was not an isolated incident:
This cannot be an isolated incident of a lunatic running around killing people. I feel very strongly that this had been planned and executed.
Writing on Facebook, Mickail Naseem criticized the police for failing to act on the death threats made against Rasheed:
Cannot trust people at Maldives Police Service who turned a blind eye to death threats against Yameen Rasheed to conduct an impartial investigation into his death.
Also writing on Facebook, Naafiz Abdulla was worried about the killings targeting ordinary citizens:
“So called” Paradise on Earth has no public safety for it's citizens. Tomorrow, it could be me, you, or any of us.
Below are some Twitter reactions to his death:
Those who slaughtered Afrasheem, abducted Rilwan, murdered Yameen; know that your attempts to silence, intimidate us will create more of us.
— I. Thayyib (Thadu) (@ithadu) April 23, 2017
you killed Rilwan he came back as Yameen now that u killed him someone else will come to reveal . No one can kill the truth
— SeaxanAli (@seaxanali) April 23, 2017
How many Rilwans and Yameen's has to die for you before you start fight for dignified life?
— Ahmed Shujau (@a_sujah) April 23, 2017
Frontex e i paradossi della retorica umanitaria
Le conseguenze politiche scatenate dalla tragedia di Lampedusa del 3 ottobre 2013, sono l’esempio di una dinamica tipica di quella “diplomazia delle migrazioni” che si è consolidata a livello europeo ormai da diversi anni. Gli Stati della sponda meridionale d’Europa sono infatti ciclicamente pronti ad invocare l’ennesima emergenza al fine di ottenere supporto materiale e finanziario dall’Unione, scontrandosi invariabilmente con le resistenze dei paesi settentrionali che, ricordando le ricche compensazioni finanziarie ricevute per il ruolo di frontiera esterna d’Europa che essi svolgono, invitano i primi ad un approccio più sistematico e meno emergenziale alla questione del controllo dei confini.
Resurfacing the Work of a Filmmaker Who Was Obsessed with the Underwater World
Resurfacing the Work of a Filmmaker Who Was Obsessed with the Underwater World
In the early 20th century, #Jean_Painlevé used inventive film and photography techniques to capture the odd nature of marine life.
Jean Painlevé with a Debrie camera in a waterproof box (1935)
© Archives Jean Painlevé, Paris, courtesy Ikon Gallery, Birmingham
bip @mad_meg …
(toujours via gCaptain et son Maritime Monday)
Tour de passe-passe | Où sont passés les 54’000 “relocalisés” de Hongrie ?
A l’été 2015, le Conseil européen lance un programme de relocalisation en signe de solidarité avec la Grèce et l’Italie, Etats aux avant-postes de l’accueil des réfugiés en Europe. Initialement, 40’000 places d’accueil auraient dû être mises à disposition par les Etats membres dans le cadre du projet. Quelques mois plus tard, le 22 septembre […]
Résilience, entretien avec Boris Cyrulnik
La résilience désigne en mécanique la résistance d’un matériau au choc, sa faculté de retrouver sa forme initiale après un impact. Le mot évoque aussi la capacité psychique d’un individu à se reconstruire après un traumatisme. Né en 1937 à Bordeaux, dans une famille d’immigrés juifs, le psychiatre et psychanalyste français Boris Cyrulnik a survécu […]
Recently, the Spanish Constitutional Court has published one more decision in application of the new reform of the Law on Constitutional Court which increased its powers for the execution of its own decisions. This time the Court declared the unconstitutionality of a declaration by the Catalan Parliament stating the support for Catalonia to start the legal and political process for its independence from Spain and for having a referendum about it. At the same time, the court refers the files to the prosecutor in order to allow him asking for criminal prosecution of the chair of the Parliament of Catalonia for allowing these discussions to take part. This is just the latest manifestation of a process of keeping independentist Catalonian politicians in check by means of Court’s decisions. This process has progressively hampered the legitimacy of the Court by transforming what should be its natural only competence: to control that juridical acts are not contrary to the Constitution.
Obviously, if the entire people of a territory wants to be independent there is no one to stop it. When the desire of independence becomes massive it sweeps away any juridical instance. However, this is not currently the situation in Catalonia. Even if the movement for independence enjoys much support in Catalonia it is not yet unanimous or absolutely majoritarian. In absence of a referendum, the results of last elections in Catalonia show a quite balanced situation with equivalent support for and against independence. Nevertheless, the Catalonian institutions, controlled by separatist parties, are trying to launch a process leading to the independence of Catalonia.
Independence implies leaving the framework of Spanish law and to dictate own new laws. In this sense, it must be a political process. But at the same time, in these moments, the independence of Catalonia is promoted by the existing constitutional institutions. These institutions are based on the Spanish rule of law and Constitution and they must act according to current Spanish law. This is why the Spanish courts may legitimately control if the Catalonian Government or Parliament respect the rules and limits of the Spanish legal framework in their pro-independence activity.
So, when in 2014 the Catalonian Parliament wanted to launch a consultative referendum to ask the population about the subject, it was annulled by the Constitutional Court. According to the current distribution of territorial competences between the central state and the Comunidades Autónomas in the Spanish Constitution, the power to call for a referendum belongs exclusively to the central institutions for all Spain. The decision was fully correct and adequate.
However, this case made the Spanish Government understand the enormous political advantages of stopping the ‘separatist challenge’ through the Constitutional Court’s judgements. It is an apparently independent judicial institution. It is the supreme interpreter of the Constitution, its decisions appear to be part of constitutional law, enjoying the same respect among all the country. And to confront a judgment of the Court would be presented as an illegal action. At the same time, the parliamentary appointment of the justices of the Court ensures that they will follow the line of the Government in these sensitive matters. So, the Court seemed to be the ideal tool for breaking any Catalonian sovereignist initiative without the Government being exposed to a more than a minimum of political wear and tear.
Shortly afterwards, the Spanish Government challenged before the Constitutional Court a system of internet consultation set up by Catalonia. The challenge included also some political statements of the Catalonian Parliament. The inconvenience was that that in these cases it was not possible to find any breach of the constitutional division of powers and competences between the Union and the territories. All these questions were rightly competences of the Catalonian Parliament, and the Government had to attack them based on substantive arguments. And there started the problems for the Spanish Constitutional Court.
The case of the internet consultations was solved by stating that there are questions that cannot be asked in any case or any way. The Constitution does not allow to request a pronouncement of any type from the people regarding questions already solved in the Constitution. These questions include the configuration of the constituent body. The Court invented the dogma of the Unity of the sovereign and stopped any attempt of asking the people about it, even in view of a future Constitutional reform.
Then, entering a political area that should be off-limits to it, the Court also accepted to adjudicate a symbolic political declaration of the Catalonian Parliament without any legal effect. The Parliament had expressed a political position in favour of independence and the Constitutional Court overturned that statement. There was not any legally binding act, not any infraction, not any Spanish regulation breached, just a rhetorical declaration nullified because of its content.
These decisions are damaging the position of the Constitutional Court as the guarantee of the Constitution and as an arbiter between powers. They alter its function, which is only to identify and overrule legal acts contrary to the Constitution. It should not take part in political controversies or influence the debate about a future constitutional reform. The social and political debate regarding how to amend the Constitution must me free as far as it stays a debate and does not infringe the current legal framework. Political options demanding a new constitutional order cannot be stopped as long as their ideology is not transformed into facts. By throwing itself in the way of the political challenge of independence, the Court only damages its own prestige and legitimacy.
Yet the Government did not stop here. A further step was taken in order to enhance powers of the Court against separatists. The Law on the functioning of the Constitutional Court was reformed to give it the capacity to overrule any act contrary to its doctrine, even by its own, and to punish the public officers responsible of it. The reform was controversial even internationally. However, the Court is using this new competence without any self-restraint and mostly in a perverse way: since the constitutional vice of the rhetorical declarations lies in the ideology that they reflect, the Court understands that any new declaration based on similar ideological values as a disobedience to his judgment. So, it can be annulled in a tremendously fast process (the execution of sentences) and their authors may be punished, as happens in this new case. In practice the Constitutional Court has banned the Parliament to speak in favour of a future hypothetical independence. And every time that a statement on this is made it will be automatically overruled in a process for executing the main previous decision.
It is clear that Catalonian sovereignist politicians are acting irresponsibly and provoking the Spanish powers. The only good way to answer to this challenge is a balanced and neutral response of the Constitutional Court every time they adopt an illegal act. Instead, the Court assumed a political role. He tries to stop even any talk about independence. By doing so, it fails to respect its own role as keeper of a Constitutional framework where very diverse ideologies can be discussed. Turning itself into a judge of the symbolic the Court imposes on the future a single political interpretation of the Constitution and hampers future reforms of it. It ceased to be a judge and became a party.
L’Atoll, faux lieu - Elsa Rivière-Poupon - Visionscarto
Inauguré en avril 2012 dans la commune de Beaucouzé, dans la vallée de la Loire, le centre commercial de l’Atoll a des allures à la fois de stade olympique et de jardin public, capable d’accueillir plusieurs centaines de milliers de clients. Ceux-ci viennent souvent en famille et peuvent y passer la journée, à flâner entre boutiques, chaînes de restaurants et espaces verts.
Les cahiers du social | Identification et protection des victimes de la traite dans un contexte de migration de transit
Dans le cadre du projet « Identification et orientation des victimes de traite des êtres humains dans le département du Pas-de-Calais » (projet mené du 1er novembre 2015 au 30 avril 2017), France terre d’asile a élaboré une méthodologie pour l’identification et la protection des victimes de traite à Calais, et plus généralement dans un contexte de […]
Sadiq Khan adds weight to scheme to construct spartan apartments that will sell for up to 40% less than usual new-builds
Who needs internal walls or a fitted kitchen anyway? As house prices soar ever further out of reach, London’s mayor, Sadiq Khan, is to subsidise a new generation of ultra-basic “naked” homes wthat will sell for up to 40% less than standard new builds.
The apartments will have no partition walls, no flooring and wall finishes, only basic plumbing and absolutely no decoration. The only recognisable part of a kitchen will be a sink. The upside of this spartan approach is a price tag of between £150,000 and £340,000, in reach for buyers on average incomes in a city where the average home now costs £580,000.Continue reading...
If you lived in rural Cork in the 60s and wanted your picture taken, there was only one place to go: Dennis Dinneen’s bar
In 2003, aged 16, David J Moore moved to the small town of Macroom in County Cork, where he soon gravitated to Dinneen’s bar to play pool with the local lads. “It was a regular country pub except that the walls were covered in black and white photographs,” he recalls. “There were all these amazing shots of the locals and the town as well as family gatherings and celebrations. It took me a while to find out that the publican, Dennis Dinneen, was also the photographer.”
Dinneen’s bar is still a magnet for the locals of Macroom, but the man himself died in 1985, leaving behind an archive of over 20,000 images that amounts to a sustained snapshot of the town and its inhabitants. An exhibition of his work, entitled Small Town Portraits and curated by Moore, has just opened at the Douglas Hyde Gallery in Dublin.Continue reading...
Abandoned Factory Turned Into Home For Up To 700 Refugees In Greece
An abandoned 6,000-square-foot textile factory has recently been repurposed to serve as a housing and medical facility for refugees in Thessaloniki, Greece.
#Grèce #Thessalonique #Salonique #asile #migrations #réfugiés #camp_de_réfugiés #Elpida_Home_Project #Elpida #logement #hébergement
"Tell the chef, the beer is on me."
"Basically the price of a night on the town!"
"I'd love to help kickstart continued development! And 0 EUR/month really does make fiscal sense too... maybe I'll even get a shirt?" (there will be limited edition shirts for two and other goodies for each supporter as soon as we sold the 200)